Filed under Politics

Why Revolutions Don’t Get Televised

ABC 7 happened to be at the local bar where I watched Obama deliver his drivel about continuing the occupation of Afghanistan. The channel was interviewing ex-marines who had gathered there about their reactions to Obama’s plan. This is the usual displacement of politics into the military domain that the American media, particularly television, carries out so dutifully. We don’t have debates about the politics of the issue at hand, but discussions about military tactics that foreclose any discussion of the occupation itself. All that’s left to argue about apparently is whether 30,000 troops is enough.

In an excellent report, NYT reporter David Barstow covered the Pentagon’s domestic propaganda program in his 2008 series. Today, a key figure from that program continues his post as Defense Department spokesperson in the Obama administration, according to Media Bloodhound.

The American media thus, turns, Clausewitz on his head: politics is simply war by other means.

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Swat in Pictures

CopA friend, Moneeza Ahmed, and I recently travelled to see what Swat looks like after the war. Below are a few of the quick photos we took. Click on each to see the caption. I’ll be posting more stuff/ impressions in a few days.

Operation Rah-e-Rast is the fourth Army offensive in Swat in the last 2 years. The Army and the Pakistani liberals who supported the war swear that this time, it’s for real. This time, the Army gets it. But, in Swat, that’s not true judging by the way it ran its offensive. And the goverment has yet to make serious rehabilitation or reconstruction efforts. The only thing that moves quickly is business of killing. The Army has moved on to Waziristan and is repeating its cavalierly ruthless policies there.  I spoke with an aid worker in Dera Ismail Khan recently. That’s where most of the civilians have fled. No governmental or state institution has yet put up much needed refugee camps. It is also now likely that once Waziristan is over, Balochistan will be next. Under the pretext of hunting down militants, the government may try to wipe out the Balochistan insurgency which stems from their very legitimate demands for rights and access to their resources.

Swat, meanwhile, has been forgotten. Without reconstruction, it’s possible that militants could have the opportunity to return, as they have done every other time. But who gives a shit, right? I mean, Swat is so yesterday.

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Waziristan: What We Knew

I’ve been in Pakistan for about two months now, and the chasm between what is reported and what we know but goes unreported is deep and wide. But, here’s some stuff we knew about Waziristan:

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Faith. Unity. Brutality.

[screen grab]

[screen grab

“You don’t want me to chop off your hands and feet,” says the Army officer to a Pashtun.  This horror-flick statement is part of a 10-minute video that, if authentic, would be the first time that proof of the brutality of the Pakistani Army will have been captured on tape. The footage shows Pakistani soldiers interrogating and then beating Pashtun men suspected of harbouring the Taliban. The soldiers kick, whip and thrash their victims who scream and agonize on the ground.

Authentic or not, the ruthlessness shown in the video is already real for the Pakistani media so much so that hardly a local media outlet dared report on it. Being beaten or having your hands chopped off is rather unpleasant business after all, and few reporters are willing to risk that for a story. The fear is pervasive, and the near pitch-perfect silence speaks volumes about the army whether the video is a real or a fake.

It was the BBC that first carried the story on October 1st after the video had been making rounds on Facebook. That was followed by a piece in the Guardian. Under pressure from stories being carried in the foreign press, the English language dailies, Dawn and the Daily Times finally ran pieces today available here, here and here.

Compare that to the coverage of the Taliban flogging video in April this year. Within a week, numerous articles had already been published. Justifiably horrified progressive Pakistanis took to protesting the Taliban in Karachi and Lahore. Then newly reinstated Chief Justice took suo moto action the same day calling the case to court. As a result, the man beating the girl in the video was arrested a day ago.

It’s one thing to criticize mullahs, militants or politicians like President Asif Ali Zardari, say local journalists, but quite another to probe “the establishment,” the term in Pakistan for the nexus of military and security agencies that run intrigues, kidnappings, undercover operations, and lately, the American war on terror.

Democracy may be transient in Pakistan, but the establishment is well…established. Cameramen know the areas that are off-limits for filming in the heart of Pakistan’s cities; reporters know which stories should go unrecorded. Otherwise, as one reporter explained it to me, “Accidents happen.” You may be hit by a car, or a container might fall on you. Or, you may disappear and a few hours later your brother will find your mangled body.

That’s what happened with Musa Khan Khel, the 28-year-old Geo Television reporter who was killed in Swat the day the Swat peace deal was signed with Sufi Muhammad. Only a few days earlier, Khel had told his reportedly told his employers, “I have been receiving death threats from a powerful force. They are after me. They want to kill me.”

Khan Khel never specified who “they” were. Veteran reporter and Khan Khel’s friend, Imtiaz Ali says he doesn’t know either, but  “The Taliban proudly declare when they’ve done something.” In this case however, they came to offer condolences to Khan Khel’s family after his death.

It is known that Khan Khel was on tenuous terms with the Pakistan Army officials and often barred from official press conferences in Swat, the region he was covering as a result.  He set out on the morning of his death to report with his brother. They were banned from covering senior minister Bashir Bilour’s press conference that day announcing the Swat deal between the government and local militants.

Khan Khel stated this fact in the last report he filed. It would run in The News a day after his death.

***
The Army is everywhere. When I was a child, we would watch a television show about young dashing Rashid, an Air force pilot who does kamikaze rather than be caught and divulge his secrets to the enemy. I wanted to be him. At six years old, didn’t we all?

Karachi monument

Karachi monument

Now, returning after 19 years, the symbols are everywhere. Unity. Faith. Discipline. The Army motto haunts the country in oversized and often fairly ugly sculptures. A sculpture of Jinnah along with the army motto lay carved on a grassy hill in Islamabad. Three phallic marble swords pierce the sky in Karachi. At their hilts, the army motto. In Lahore at the Wagah border between Pakistan and India, thousands throng to watch the Army ritual on Independence Day. There is no room for everyone inside the enclosure. The crowd runs thick. It surges forward. Soldiers on horseback lathi-charge, beating at random. A man screams in the crush trying to turn his car back around in the human sea. His daughter is bleeding from her head. He needs to get out.

We all need to get out. In its latest operation in Swat, the Pakistan Army has already been accused of human rights violations by the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP). After being so unceremoniously tossed out of their homes and livelihoods, the nearly 3 million internally displaced Swatis are being handed 500Rs per adult head and returned on buses, packed off for journeys scheduled to be as long 35 hours, which if one is familiar with “Pakistan standard time” actually means more like 45 hours. One bus fell into a ditch this week. Fifteen people were killed.

Islamabad monument

Islamabad monument

The public indignities which the Pashtuns have suffered are the result of the “army better than the Taliban” mentality. But for whom exactly? Caught in that abysmally narrow-minded refrain are all the calumnies, indignities, horror and violence of what has happened in Swat. In the name of destroying the Taliban, the Pakistani elite cheered on an army that razed villages and collectively punished Pashtuns. That is what is going on in that video: collective punishment. And the groundwork for what is geographically and mentally in the periphery was laid in the heartland of Pakistan. Stories of the “Talibanization” of Karachi smack of cold racism against the immigrant Pashtun population against whom the MQM, the party that rules Karachi, has long held a grudge. They are the underclass in Pakistan, our cooks, our car drivers, our chaukidars.

And what will follow in Waziristan?

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Swat in Brooklyn: The War Comes Home

My current project follows refugees from Swat, an uncle and a nephew, as they struggle to come to terms with the death of a relative and the displacement of their family because of the current military operation. These two are part of a small but growing community in Brooklyn whose families are trapped back home  in the conflict between the Taliban and the Pakistani military in the troubled Northwestern Frontier Province.

This family chose to share their grief on learning that a beloved nephew had been killed in the latest army operation in Swat. He was, like others, part of the significant “collateral damage” that has been the hallmark of this conflict. Their families are part of the 3 million displaced and facing one of the worst humanitarian disasters today. These are the new New Yorkers, and this is the story of how the “war on terror” has followed them to Brooklyn.

[This is an early roughcut. More to follow, including footage of the refugees from Karachi.]

Iran Election Predictions

As the protests head into the second week, Mousavi has made his most daring statement yet, but questions abound about what’s happening on the ground. The protests began at the suspicion of election fraud, but is that what drives them? Are protesters fighting for their vote to be counted, or are they –as sometimes happens in repressive regimes –using the occasion as a pretext for a more revolutionary fight? It’s entirely possible also that what began as protests against election fraud are becoming more radicalized (in a good way). It’s difficult to know, and I do not want to conflate the actions of the the political elite with the aspirations and demands of the Iranians who are now demonstrating on the streets. Mousavi’s speech, which confronted Khamanei on several levels, could be an effect of a more revolutionary sentiment taking hold among protesters. His speech however, was still within the bounds of the Islamic regime.

Some analysis -before the election began:

Iran Protests Continue; 13 dead

Thirteen people are dead in Iran today after protests continued despite government restrictions causing the Obama administration to issue a statement this afternoon to the Iranian govenment. Borrowing verbiage from the left, Obama told the Iranian regime that “the world is watching.”  TPM has more. A useful news video from al-Jazeera English about the political battle within the Iranian clergy:

This is a very graphic video of a protester being shot by the Basiji. The footage remains unverified, but has found its way on Twitter and other blogs. The woman is being named as Nada. An anonymous dispatch from Iran here, and an excellent view from the streets of Tehran by the NYT’s Roger Cohen here. Cohen is one of the few western reporters still on the ground, and his past columns have also been enlightening. Thank you, Mr. Cohen.

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Letter from Iran 1: Monday’s Protest

iran 6The name and other information of the author has been removed to protect his/her identity.

Dear all,

Following the flood of emails I received after my first brief (I never felt this popular!), here is a follow-up on yesterday’s extraordinary march.

I’ve never been good at math but it’s my guess that more than a million people showed up at yesterday’s (Monday 15 June) peaceful demonstration. Sunday night on the streets, people were passing around the info of the gathering to each other. Everyone was on their cell phones. But Monday morning, alarming messages started coming in: security forces have closed off the parameters of the demo and aren’t allowing anyone in, security forces have been given the go-ahead to fire on the crowd, Mousavi has denied responsibility for the event, etc. A lot of us felt that even if this march happens, it’ll be small and unsuccessful.

We waited for live news from downtown and when a friend called one hour before the official start of the march to say that everything looked calm, we headed down to Enghelab. On the way down, the streets were deserted, no riot police anywhere. Shops and businesses were shutting down early. Friends working an an international company got permission to leave at mid day to take part in the march (I’m sure a lot of Iranian employers did the same). A cabbie took us as close as possible to the start of the march, and while walking toward the venue, the crowd started getting thicker.

It just sort of happened: us suddenly reaching Enghelab street and becoming part of a marching group on the sidewalk. It didn’t feel big or historical at first. Just kids like us walking in the same direction. Slowly however, with the feed of people from incoming streets, the space around us started getting tighter and the way ahead less visible. By the time we reached Enghelab Square, we were already amazed by the numbers. We thought: if this stops here, we’ve already accomplished our goal. Initially, the sidewalks on both sides of the street were overtaken, then the entire street. Cars stuck in traffic turned their engines off — the mass of people made it impossible for them to move.

All throughout, we were instructed by volunteers not to shout slogans, not to clap hands, not to make any noise. “Sokout behtarin e’teraz ast” (Silence is the best criticism), depriving security forces with an excuse to use violence. Remarkably, people accepted the injunction. For the first half of the four hours we marched, people marched in silence, raising only their hands in the V for victory sign and waiving green banners and ribbons. Here and there, people held posters of Mousavi or hand-made placards in english or farsi reading “Where is my vote?” or “Am I the trash?” (a reference to a speech Ahmadinejad gave Sunday to his supporters where he dismissed the protest/violence of the previous days as the work of a few “homosexuals and trash”).

The overcast weather turned into sun and the crowd became so compact that you could feel the body warmth of the people around you. Our pace was very slow, sometimes halted. The opposite traffic lane of Enghelab became occupied as well. As far behind and as far ahead as the eye could see, there were people. I couldn’t believe it, given the bad omens of the morning that had probably kept a good number of people at home.

Riot police were present around Enghelab Square but once we passed that, not a single one was seen until and including the final destination, Azadi square. A small number of traffic policemen dotted the way, smiling at the crowd and raising their hands in the V-sign. Chadori women were in the crowd, a green band tied around their forehands in the palestinian street fighter style. People around us were sharing shreds of their green ribbon. Volunteers reminded us to stay quiet, just raise our hands. The discipline of the crowd was amazing. At one point, the halts in the movement due to the sheer numbers of people became difficult to bear. Claustrophobia set in with each forced pause. On balconies and rooftops of the buildings lining the avenue, people came out, either observing or raising their hands in support of the marchers. Others dumped out shredded newspapers in the old-fashion american election campaign tactic. Others sprayed cool water on the overheated crowd below. Government employees watched silently behind lowered iron curtains (Enghelab is lined with various government offices). Overhead passes became clogged with people. Still no violence, no sloganeering.

Then the roar started behind us. At first we thought it was just another spontaneous eruption of excitement (there were many of those, quickly put down by the crowd itself, respectful of the demand to remain silent) but the sound just became louder. The sky had turned grey again. From the middle lane, people seemed to be moving to the sides. Then the chant reached us and we understood what was happening: “Mousavi, Mousavi hemayatat mikonim!” (Mousavi, Mousavi, we stand behind you). Mousavi and his crew rolled by in front of us, the crowed on all sides leaning toward the cars to catch a glimpse of him and make sure that their support had been personally registered. Mousavi’s appearance broke the taboo on silence. From then onwards (we are now roughly halfway), the crowd chanted non-stop. “Mousavi, parcham e Iran-e mano pas begir” (Mousavi, retrieve the flag of my Iran), “Mousavi, rai e mano pas begir” (Mousavi, go get my vote back), “Hale ye nour o dide, rai e ma ro nadide” (He saw the light, he didn’t see our votes, a reference to Ahmadinejad’s claiming to having seen the light of Imam Mahdi carrying him spiritually during his first speech at the UN), “Ta Ahmadinejad e, har rouz hamin basat e” (Until Ahmadinejad is there, everyday will be like this), “In 63 dar sad ke migand kou?” (Where are the 63% — of AN’s voters that is), “Khash o khashok to i, doshman e Iran to i” (You are the trash, you are Iran’s enemy”), “Dolat-e coup d’etat, estefa’ estefa’” (asking the coup d’etat government to resign), “Dorough gou, dorough gou” (Lier, lier) and so many more. Interestingly, openly hostile slogans such as “Marg bar dictator” (Death to the dictator) which had been heard in previous days were immediately put down by the crowd.

“Allah-o Akbar” was heard frequently. As I mentioned in my previous email, this comes across as very Islamic, and therefore its use in a pro-reform march is confusing. I believe it is intended to show respect for religion and therefore the non-elected core of the regime who can still decide on the fate of these elections and show the unity of Iranians despite the turmoil. It could also mean: God is great and truth will prevail.

After Mousavi’s fleeting appearance, it was Karroubi’s turn to show up on the steps of a mosque. The crowd cheered heavily for Karroubi, the firebrand cleric who had made his dislike for Ahmadinejad well known in the pre-election debates. “Karroubi, Mousavi, etehad, etehad” (Karroubi, Mousavi, unity, unity”) was the chant. Further down,the crowd turned toward the students of Sanad’e Sharif University, clogged behind the building’s railing and perched on all rooftops, and chanted “Daneshjou, daneshjou, hemayatat mikonim” (Student, student, we support you).

The most exhilarating point of this four-hour march was when Enghelab widened on both sides and the middle of the street dipped into a small tunnel. People had crowded the overpass. For the first time, through the angle offered by the tunnel, one could get more than an emotion-based count of the crowd. Ahead of the sloping tunnel, Azadi square, the only monument built by the shah and still standing, was visible — or barely visible, engulfed in a crowd that circled for hundreds of meters around it. Behind, the roar and movement of a crowd that stretched back to where it all started, Enghelab square. On the overpass, hundreds of people cheering. Underneath, our voices became echoed in the tunnel’s void. A state helicopter flew overhead, everyone turned toward it and waved good-bye.

At Azadi, we turned around and started walking in the opposite direction just to get another sense of how far back the crowd stretched. But the real sense came when we took an overpass bridge. Some say the crowd was bigger than that which greeted Ayatollah Khomeini on his return to Iran in 1979. I don’t know, and again I’m not good at math but my take is that those newspapers that wrote about “many thousands” or even “100,000″ were WAY off the mark. A journalist friend said that someone had tried calculating by multiplying the length of the march by the width of the street and had come up with 7 million. That would be half the greater Tehran’s population…I’ll leave it to staticians to decide. In my no-math mind, there were millions of people and the goal of denouncing a rigged election, showing widespread popular resistance and the triumph of peace over violence was well accomplished.

Later that night however, violence did occur, leaving one dead. The circumstances are not clear but a friend was close to the scene. She said that without any sign of a fight, random shots were fired at the crowd. State media report another 7 wounded.

Today, another gathering (the word sounds so unfit to describe the masses of yesterday!) is planned at 5pm at Vali-e Asr square. Rumors are already going around that Ahmadinejad supporters are planning their own demonstration at the same place at 3pm. Whether they will linger around enough to spark violence with the Mousavi crowd, no one can tell. Hopefully, the relative peace of yesterday will prevail.

Peace,

***

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Letter from Iran 3: Dynamics of the Movement

iran 4As before, the name and identity of the author have been removed to protect his/her identity.

The third march – at Haft-e Tir square on  17th June. I did not attend but everyone reported massive turnout and a very peaceful, silent demonstration.  Since I have little to report on day three, some other points that appear very important to me to raise:

Away from the large crowds and the relative protection of the capital, smaller towns people in the provinces are much more exposed and vulnerable to violence by the local militias. There is virtually no media coverage of what is happening in Tabriz, Shiraz, Esfahan, Bushehr. Bandar Abbas. To the extent that we have information, it is because volunteers are putting a lot on the line to film and photograph and the very gruesome situation in these cities. It takes a lot of courage for students and demonstrators to go out on the streets of Esfahan when the prosecutor general of that province has declared that all kinds of illegal gatherings are against Islam and the law of the Islamic Republic and can be punishable by death. It takes a lot of courage and guts to protest anywhere in this country where you are not protected by your numbers (let alone the police and the justice system) and where you are vulnerable to attack (like in student dorms).

On a more positive note …the dynamics of this movement are becoming more and more creative. From the moment everybody embraced silence as the best form of criticism, supporters from their cars switched from honking their horns to using their flasher. Last night, as I drove home, I noticed the blinkers in oncoming traffic (coming actually from the direction of Haft-e Tir Square). I didn’t take long to spread the message. Soon, everyone around was switching their flasher on, an act reflective of a truth that has been firmly established now after five consecutive days of protest: silence is speaking very loudly indeed.

Fourth march – today, 18 June. As I am typing, cries of Allah-o Akbar are resonating all throughout my neighborhood, despite the stormy weather (this takes place every night between 9 and 11 in sign of protest). The fourth march started from Toup Khoune Square. Marchers took Ferdowsi Street until Ferdowsi Square where they swerved onto Enghelab Street and dispersed around Tehran University. The word given out was that this event was to be a strictly silent mourning march to commemorate and honor the people who have died in the last couple of days. Everyone was wearing black and black ribbons were being distributed to wear alongside the green ribbon, around the wrist or pinned to the chest, tied to a backpack or worn across the forehead. Little pieces of paper printed with slogans such as “Blood? Why” were passed around for people to wear.

As I mentioned in my previous email, today made it very clear that the dynamics of the movement are constantly evolving. From the first march where the only focus was on Mousavi/ people’s vote to Mousavi, today’s slogans touched on issues of freedom/justice/innocent people dying for a just cause. The posters of Mousavi of day one have given way to posters expressing deeper themes, and the deeper problems that exist in this country. “Democracy does not equal Dead Student”, “Stop Killing Us”, “We are not rioters”, “Silence is not acceptance”, “The key to victory: Calmness, Hope and Patience”.

About the march: it was entirely silent and peaceful. No riot police anywhere. Ferdowsi was entirely closed off but on Enghelab, cars were painfully trying to keep one lane open. The drivers were stuck in pretty bad traffic, but to the marchers waiving their V-signs to them, a great majority of them would smile and respond with the same. A bus driver was filming on Enghelab. When asked how far ahead and how far back the march stretched, he smiled and said: a long way. The crowd was mixed: young people mostly but a considerable number of parents with small children and elderly people, chadori women and even a mollah.

On Enghelab, where the marchers were cut off from the sidewalks by tall metal railing, shopkeepers and passer-bys volunteered to take people’s empty water bottles and refill them with fresh cool water from the watering hoses. At one point, a motorcycle stuck on the sidewalk with an overheated engine started making weird noises. The elderly woman next to me immediately panicked and rushed to her husband saying: it looks like they’re shooting. Later on, a wave of panic went over the crowd and everyone ran for cover while ducking with their hands over their heads. No one knows why, it was over in seconds.

At the end of the march, a very emotional moment. At dusk in front of Tehran University, people lit candles in remembrance of those killed in the violence of the past few days, then dispersed quietly.

***

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Letter from Iran 2

iran 5The name of the person has been removed to protect his/her identity.

Dear all,

Tuesday June 16, people took to the streets for the second consecutive day.

From noon onwards, we must have changed our minds ten times about whether or not to go. The main reason was that Ahmadinejad supporters suddenly planned a demonstration of their own at the very same spot where the Mousavi supporters intended to gather two hours later. The main concern was whether the first group would linger around until the second group came on the scene, and whether that would result in violent confrontation. The second concern was that none of the pro-reform alliance — Mousavi, Karroubi and officials from their circle — can openly throw their support behind any kind of public event. If they do, they can be accused of violating the law, if they don’t, thousands of supporters are left wondering what to do. Thankfully, a great majority of people have understood this and taken upon themselves to be out there; they have understood that peaceful public action doesn’t need to be sanctioned by anyone, it is a right of the people. In this sense, Mousavi’s presence or non-presence in the demonstrations, his approval or non-approval is slowly taking second place to the events and dynamics people are creating on their own.

Mousavi did not appear at yesterday’s march which spanned — with empty patches here and there — Vali-e Asr Square to Park Way. His name was chanted, his posters were carried but the crowd was not left wondering: where is he? And that is because the marches have taken on a life of their own, and the demand for justice is now stronger than its figurehead. Placards yesterday were more diversified and more daring than the day before. One man was going around with a poster carrying pictures of graphic scenes of violence from the previous day (state media report 7 killed, rumors report many many more). Slogans also took on a bit of an edge. As during the first march, people remained silent during the first half. Some people had tied a green ribbon around their mouths while others carried the corresponding poster: “Our silence is green”. A group of chadori women were gathered on the sidewalk holding hand-made placards of bright green background that asked: Did our martyrs die so that more blood could be spilled? Volunteers were handing out posters of Mousavi and green ribbons so that everyone had at least something to show the state helicopter which hovered overhead like the day before.

Once we reached the headquarters of state TV and radio (Sar o Sima — a vast expanse of land between Niyayesh and Park Way), the crowd came to a halt. Both sides of Vali-e Asr and both sidewalks were full of people. The furthest northerly point was Park Way (where police prevented the crowd from moving forward) while southward, people kept moving up in the thousands. At 9pm, when we started heading back south, people were still walking up to hit Park Way and turn back again. Sar o Sima was very under-guarded given the circumstances. Again, riot police was nowhere to be seen, at least in the distance that I covered (Vanak Square to Park Way). Once the crowd stalled for good, people were instructed to sit down. A friend and I spotted young guys taking over what had been the Borj restaurant/disco before the revolution and setting camp. Attracted by the great vantage point the building offered, we made our way up the dilapidated fire staircase and onto the crumbling ruins of the former house of forbidden pleasures. Vali-e Asr is lined with beautiful and very old leafy plane trees, so the visibility up and down wasn’t perfect but my estimate is that close to a million people came out. Less than the day before, but mission accomplished nonetheless.

The crowd never kept its seated position for very long. Karroubi is supposed to have made an appearance somewhere although I did not see him. Faezeh Hashemi Rafsanjani (Rafsanjani’s daughter who has done a lot for women’s sports in Iran) also made her way through the crowd at the back of a pick-up truck. Blue veil, black chador, all smiles and holding a green ribbon. “Hashemi, Mousavi, hemayat, hemayat” (Hashemi, Mousavi, support, support) hailed her presence while “Hashemi, saket koni, khaeni” (Hashemi, if you’re silent you’re a traitor) reminded her father that he is expected to break his silence and take a stance on the current events. Faezeh’s presence did the trick. Thousands of cameras and cell phones were turned her way. Even from a distance, people were painstakingly stretching their cameras at arm’s length in the hope that the lens would catch what they could not see. People excitedly turned to each other: it’s Faezeh!, the simple use of her first name immediately endearing her as a fellow member of the resistance. On the sidewalks, people were elbowing viciously to get a glimpse of her. A slogan started, bringing tears to many eyes: “Baradar-e shahidam, rai-e to pas migiram” (My martyred brother, I will reclaim your vote — a generic singular referring to all those who died in the shootings and violence of the day before).

We walked on toward Park Way where policemen were turning people around. So we turned around, passed the barbed wire wall onto which people were tacking posters, pictures and messages. We passed the Borj, now deserted. On the street, many were still marching in the dusk toward Park Way, some in line formation carrying large plastic banners inscribed with the well-heard slogans. One group carried flowers, a reminder of the 1979 protests when women marched up to soldiers and stuck flowers in the barrel of their rifles. Some marchers started talking of glitches with riot police stationed below, but these were denied by other marchers (according to friends, violence did erupt badly that night in and around Vanak square — I mention this area because it was on the trajectory of the march, but other areas were probably also the focus of violence. A video is going around on mobile phones showing a 50-something woman who beat a riot police to death with a brick).

We reached the intersection with Mirdamad and having decided that we had once again taken a small step in history, headed for a chelo kabab.

***

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